Hong Kong Cinema: Coloniser, Motherland and Self by Yingchi Chu

By Yingchi Chu

Studying Hong Kong cinema from its inception in 1913 to the top of the colonial period, this paintings explains the major parts of creation, marketplace, movie items and demanding traditions. Hong Kong Cinema considers the various political formations of Hong Kong's tradition as visible during the cinema, and offers with the ancient, political, fiscal and cultural kinfolk among Hong Kong cinema and different chinese language movie industries at the mainland, in addition to in Taiwan and South-East Asia. dialogue covers the idea that of 'national cinema' within the context of Hong Kong's prestige as a quasi-nation with robust hyperlinks to either the 'motherland' (China) and the 'coloniser' (Britain), and likewise argues that Hong Kong cinema is a countrywide cinema simply in an incomplete and ambiguous feel.

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After the company made several Mandarin films in 1948 and 1950, left-wing film-makers took control in 1950 (Shen 1976: 81–2). Until 1980 Changcheng remained as one of the two major leftwing Mandarin film companies in Hong Kong. National politics forced the Mandarin film industry to split into two streams: pro-mainland left-wing or pro-Taiwan right-wing companies. After the Communist government had banned mainstream Hong Kong films in the early 1950s, and after the Guomindang government had announced its film policies of encouraging Mandarin film-makers to join the Taiwan film industry in 1952, Hong Kong Mandarin film-makers had to declare their political stand.

At the same time, the mainland Chinese also made efforts to assimilate into the local community. Other members of the Chinese diaspora migrated to Hong Kong as their various positions in their host countries became unstable. The rise of nationalism in South-East Asia after the Second World War caused the indigenous communities to mount considerable resistance to the Chinese 28 Hong Kong Cinema 1956–79 diaspora (Purcell 1965: 329–49, 471–91). Fearing that Communism and Chinese nationalism would spread over South-East Asia, the indigenous governments tightened their policies towards Chinese immigration, Chinese schools, the Chinese press and Chinese cultural products.

The national debate was one of the key triggers of the Cultural Revolution. These first two films marked Yonghua as an anti-Communist film company. After Soul of China was produced in 1948, the Communists and left-wing film-makers sought opportunities to work in Yonghua in order to control the political content of its production. By inserting ‘revolutionary’ messages in the process of shooting, the left-wing film-makers managed to produce several ‘progressive’ films. 2: 376). This made it difficult for the left-wing film-makers, so they changed strategies by organising strikes to postpone productions.

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