Democracy After Liberalism: Pragmatism and Deliberative by Robert B. Talisse

By Robert B. Talisse

This ebook significantly evaluates liberalism, the dominant try within the culture of political philosophy to supply a philosophical starting place for democracy, and argues for a notion of deliberative democracy to fulfill this need.


No one wishing to own a concise but conceptually entire account of the questions bedeviling liberalism could be upset with Robert B. Talisse's Democracy After Liberalism
. -- New Political Science

A concise and transparent evaluation of latest political theory...This is a e-book to be learn with revenue by way of professor, pupil, and layperson alike. Talisse skillfully summarizes debates that fill cabinets of books, supplying bills that not just are conceptually transparent but in addition body the controversy for additional investigation...The advantage of Democracy After Liberalism is that it effectively clarifies the positions and the stakes of up to date debates in political philosophy. after all, Talisse himself can't be acknowledged to have provided a couple of hugely believable and interesting solution to the confusion of political principles within which we are living. this can be no suggest accomplishment, and Democracy After Liberalism makes for lucrative reading... Liberalism isn't really comprehensive but; now not in truth and definitely no longer in the type of deliberativism set forth in Talisse's first-class booklet. --Project Muse

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Extra resources for Democracy After Liberalism: Pragmatism and Deliberative Politics

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Since liberalism entails that the consent of those subject to any proposed political order is a necessary condition for the legitimacy of that order, liberal thinkers of the past aimed for a theory that could, in principle, command the assent of all persons subject to the liberal state. Call the aspiration for an account of liberalism that can command the assent of all liberal citizens, the consensus aspiration. Tension in Liberal Theory • 35 The aspiration for consensus places some constraints upon the kind of philosophical claim to which one may appeal in constructing the groundwork for the liberal state.

Therefore, discrimination or partiality on the basis of such features is morally suspicious; for these are differences that do not, in fact, make a difference. According to liberalism, “Our social position and class, our sex and race should not influence deliberations made from a moral point of view” (Rawls 1975, 268). As liberal selves, we are equal. Finally, a community based upon the liberal vision of free and equal individuals will necessarily be tolerant of the differences that will inevitably arise among citizens.

As the polis exists for the sake of living well, and as it aims at this through its laws, it is clear that Aristotle would reject political neutrality; for it is the job of the polis to promote excellence, arete, in its citizens, and this requires that legislation be nonneutral among competing conceptions of the good. Any polis that aimed at neutrality with regard to the good would be a polis in name only, because it would not be performing the proper job, ergon, of a polis (P, 1280b29—1281a10).

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