Culture in Chaos: An Anthropology of the Social Condition in by Stephen C. Lubkemann

By Stephen C. Lubkemann

Fought within the wake of a decade of armed fight opposed to colonialism, the Mozambican civil conflict lasted from 1977 to 1992, claiming millions of lives whereas displacing hundreds of thousands extra. As conflicts around the globe span a long time and generations, Stephen C. Lubkemann means that we want a clean standpoint on conflict while it turns into the context for regular lifestyles instead of a good occasion that disrupts it. Culture in Chaos demands a brand new element of departure within the ethnography of warfare that investigates how the population of battle zones reside below attempting new stipulations and the way tradition and social kin are remodeled consequently. Lubkemann specializes in how Ndau social networks have been fragmented by way of wartime displacement and the profound influence this had on gender kin. Demonstrating how wartime migration and post-conflict go back have been formed through social struggles and pursuits that had little to do with the bigger political purposes for the battle, Lubkemann contests the idea that wartime migration is usually involuntary. His serious reexamination of displacement and his engagement with broader theories of organisation and social switch could be of curiosity to anthropologists, political scientists, historians, and demographers, and to somebody who works in a battle sector or with refugees and migrants.

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Extra resources for Culture in Chaos: An Anthropology of the Social Condition in War

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The fact that this book is not only an analysis, but also a constitution, of the “historical record” of Machazian labor, war-time, and postconflict social process, provokes enough historiographic angst that it prevents me from cutting through such a Gordian knot with two sentences. 32 introduction Anthropologies of war and displacement have generally suffered minimally, if at all, from such historiographic angst. Yet, this may very well be only because the theorization of these processes as “violent events” purports (mistakenly) to locate the full scope of their explanatory reference within war’s violence.

It is this shared culture across all the many differences defining life and living that interests me. (1997, 10 –11) Nordstrom thus theorizes violence as a socializing frame in its own right, casting it as a force capable of carrying the entirety of its own meaning within itself—a meaning that is somehow both culturally and socially uninformed in its own constitution and capable of imposing itself in common ways on all those who experience it regardless of their prior social and cultural differences.

Kupilikula is particularly distinctive in its historical depth, tracing the continuities and changes in uwavi throughout the most significant political-economic shifts in twentieth-century social existence on the Muedan plateau, including missionization, colonialism, the anticolonial struggle, civil war, and postconflict neoliberal reform. Through careful ethnohistorical reconstruction the author demonstrates that the remarkable resilience of uwavi discourse as a “distinctive sensibility about the workings of power in the worlds [Muedans] inhabit” (2005, 6) is related to its capacity to explain dramatic change, its penchant for incorporating new forms of knowledge, and its ability to reinterpret in its own terms even those ideological propositions that have sought to directly supplant it.

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